What is powdered sugar in the Tagalog Philippines

The seminar handout (pdf) - PD Dr. Wolfgang Schindler

PDDr. wolfgangSchindler. Proseminar "Morphology". page 1

E-mail: wolfgang.Schindler[ätt] germanistik.uni-muenchen.de

Lecturer website: www.lrz-muenchen.de/~wolfgang_schindler

Website of the seminar: http://www.lrz.de/~wolfgang_schindler/morpho-wi-12.html

0.1 Possible accompanying materials and specialist literature

(i) L I recommend studying the morphology tutorial at the TU Berlin (Institute for Language

and communication): http://fak1-alt.kgw.tu-berlin.de/call/linguistiktutorien/morphologie/index.html

(ii) Exercises with sketched solutions can be found in:

- Altmann, Hans / Kemmerling, Silke (2000, 2 2005). Word formation for the exam. Opladen.

- Elsen, Hilke (2011). Basic features of the morphology of German. Berlin / New York.

- Lohde, Michael (2006). Word formation of modern German. Tubingen.

0.2 general reference works; Chapters in works on a broader subject

Bußmann, H. (ed.) (3 2002; 4 2008). Lexicon of Linguistics. Stuttgart.

Glück, H. (3 2005; 4 2010). Metzler Lexicon Language. Stuttgart; Weimar.

0.3 To look up lexicalized formations, educational elements:

Duden (2006). German universal dictionary. 6th edition Mannheim et al.

Kluge, Friedrich (24 2002; 25 2011). Etymological dictionary of the German language. Berlin;

New York.

Muthmann, Gustav (2001). Declining German dictionary. (RGL 78.) Tübingen.

Paul, Hermann (2002). German dictionary: history of meaning and structure of ours

Vocabulary. 10., revised. and exp. Edition / edit v. Helmut Henne. Tubingen.

0.4 Detailed descriptions of the subject in monographs, grammars, etc.

Aronoff, Mark & ​​Kirsten Fudeman (2005): What is Morphology? Blackwell Publishing.

Barz, I. et al. (2002). Word formation - practical and integrative. A work book. Frankfurt / M.

L Booij; Geert (2007): The Grammar of Words. An Introduction to Linguistic Morphology. 2nd ed.

Oxford Univ. Press.

Booij, G. / Lehmann, Chr./ Mugdan, J. (eds.): Morphologie / Morphology. An international one

Handbook on inflection and word formation. Vol. 1: 2000, Vol. 2: 2002. Berlin; new York

Donalies, E. (2005). The formation of words in German. 2. revised Edition Tübingen.

Dudenredaktion (Ed.) (2009): Duden: Die Grammatik. 8th edition. Mannheim / Leipzig / Vienna /

Zurich: Dudenverlag (= Duden, Volume 4). [there inflection and word formation chapter]

German word formation. Types and tendencies in contemporary language

Volume 1: Kühnhold, I./Wellmann, H. (1973). The Verb. Düsseldorf: Schwann.

2nd volume: Wellmann, Hans (1975). The Noun. Düsseldorf: Schwann.

3rd volume: Kühnhold, I./Putzer, O./Wellmann, H. (1978). The Adjective. Dusseldorf.

- Kühnhold, I./Prell, H.-P. (1984). Morphem and subject index for vol. I-III. Dusseldorf.

4th volume: Ortner, L. et al. (1991) Noun compounds (compounds and composition-like

Structures). Berlin; New York.


PDDr. wolfgangSchindler. Proseminar "Morphology". Page 2

5th volume: Pümpel-Mader, M. et al. (1992). Adjective compounds and participle formations. Berlin;

New York.

Eisenberg, Peter (2 2004; 1998): Outline of German grammar. Vol. 1: The Word. Stuttgart,

Weimar [chap. 4.5 Word accent, chap. 6 and 7 word formation I & II]

Erben, J. (3 1993, 4 2000). Introduction to German word formation theory. Berlin: Erich Schmidt.

L Fleischer, W. / Barz, I. (2012). Word formation in contemporary German. 4. Edit again.

Berlin edition; New York. [Standard work on word formation]

Haspelmath, Martin (2002). Understanding Morphology. London

Henzen, W. (1965). German word formation. 3rd edition Tübingen. [historically oriented]

Motsch, wolfgang (1999; 2 2004). German word formation in basics. Berlin; New York.

Simmler, F. (1998). German morphology: inflection and word formation morphology. Berlin.

Spencer, A./Zwicky, A. M. (eds.) (1998; 2004). The Handbook of Morphology. Oxford.

L Thieroff, R./Vogel, P. M. (2009): Flexion. Heidelberg. [Overview of the flexion system]

1 A little preface

"Morphology is the conceptual center of linguistics. This is not because it is the dominant subdiscipline,

but because morphology is the study of word structure, and words are at the interface between

phonology, syntax, and semantics. Words have phonological properties, they articulate together

to form phrases and sentences, their form often reflects their syntactic function, and their

parts are often composed of meaningful smaller pieces. [...] For this reason, morphology is something

all linguists have to know about. "[Spencer / Zwicky 1998: 1]

2 About the term morphology

The term is often called Johann wolfgang attributed by Goethe (1749–1832) who wrote this in

The context of biology (first document 1796). Etymologically it is composed of

Greek morph- ‘shape, form’ and the element -logie ‘the teaching / science of’, in addition

comes a grouting with -o. In biology, morphology means' the study of form and

Structure of life forms'. In geology, the construction / structure of landforms (geological

Formations) '. In linguistics (first used in 1859 by the linguist August Schleicher)

Morphology refers to the study of the makeup and structure of complex word forms.

3 What does linguistic morphology study?

Morphology deals with two areas, namely:

(a) with EDUCATION relationships between words

(1) hamster + -chen → hamster hamster N → hamster V

'Little hamster'

'Sth. act like a hamster ’

Concatenative derivation (A + B)

Non-concatenative root conversion

MM: Affection

MM: transposition


PDDr. wolfgangSchindler. Proseminar "Morphology". Page 3

(b) and with the FLEXION morphological relationships between a lexical word (LE-

XEM) and its syntactic word forms, e.g. B. HAMSTER and

(2) The hamster (= the NOM.SG of HAMSTER) is sleeping

The Food of the hamster (= the GEN.SG of HAMSTER)

The children played with the hamsters (= the DAT.PL from HAMSTER)

Inflection and word formation have in common that it is examined whether or what kind of relationship

between a word form A and a word form B. 1 This relationship can be described as a (production) PROCESS

describe, which goes from an output or input unit to a target or

Output unit leads. A MORPHOLOGICAL MEANS (MM), an educational technique, is used.

A concatenative (A + B) method can be used for this purpose, e.g. B. a COMPOSITION

(Concatenation of lexical roots: hamster + futter or hamster (o) + phil) or an AFFIGIERUNG

(Hamster + chen). There are also non-concatenative procedures such as TRANSPOSITION (green green (en)

'Go green'), MUTATION (daughter and daughters) or REDUCTION (Abi, Uni). The MM have one

MORPHOLOGICAL FUNCTION (MF) and lead, for example, to a certain form of inflection

or to a word formation product (compound, derivative, convert, etc.).

(3) Input morpholog. Mean (MM) Morph. Function (MF) Semantics Output

Hamster suffocation: -chen Derivation (Wobi) ‚small hamster’ hamster

Garden suffocation: -lein derivation (Wobi) 'small garden' (* small garden)

In addition: deletion of the syllable rhyme -en (trochaeus) and umlaut

Garden

Hamster N transposition conversion (Wobi) 'like hamsters do' hamster V

Hamster suffixation: -n inflection: DAT? Forage

Hammer mutation: umlaut flexion: PL 'more than one H.' hammers

Suffixation: -n inflection: DAT? Hammer

Not all morphological formations take place according to such productive, rule-based procedures.

See ANALOGY EDUCATION, which is creative-intentional and concrete role models as input

use: authority, bad faith or parrot Mamagei (by children).

But if only it were that easy! The MM alone does not always lead to the output, because instead of

The trochaic garden is formed in the dactylic and umlaut-free * garden. The umlaut

is to be assigned to the suffix as an obligatory accompanying phenomenon (-lein with umlaut). The

Avoidance of the middle syllables is attributable to a strong metric tendency in German,

to strive for trochaic rhythms. The one notices also with the N-plural formation. Monosyllables

become trochaic two-syllable (Hun.d + e, Rän.d + er), two-syllables often remain two-syllable, cf.

1 It is not always easy to judge whether there is a relationship. In the case of roasting and roasting, it can be assumed

that there is a substantiated infinitive to the verb (SEM: The roast is the result of having meat

fries, noun acti) as with writing and (the) writing 'result when somebody has written sth.'. Indeed

are converts of verbal infinitive neutrals (no masculine)! And etymologically, V and N are not related!

Cf. from the DWDS (http://www.dwds.de/?qu=Brats&view=1, 14.2.13): “Roasting with‘ for roasting specific

or fried meat ’. Ahd. Brāto (8th / 9th century), mhd. Brāte ‘sheer, edible meat’, [...] and from the

Germ. borrowed late lat. brādo ham ’are of unknown origin. Under the influence of the etymologically not

related verb braten (s. d.) the noun has been narrowed to today's meaning since mhd. time; the original

Meaning remains in nhd. Game ‘game meat’ [...]. also sausage meat; W. S.]


PDDr. wolfgangSchindler. Proseminar "Morphology". page 4

the hamsters (* e), hammers (* e), bones (* e), but not always. Two-syllables become three-syllable,

then the word ending is often trochaic, see Ru.ɑbi.n + e, Wa.ɑra.n + e, Dok.ɑto.r + en; but without exception

this does not apply either: ɑA.ben.d + e.

In addition, not everything is formed in word formation that could be formed: steal * because of stealers

lexicalized thief, see * Kocher, * Studierer. If a lexeme already answers a concept,

a new formation such as stehler is usually blocked (lexical restriction).

Question: Is the spontaneous formation He is an old stealer of responsibility a counterexample,

that "proves" the malleability of Stehler?

Which input units go into morphological processes?

Inflection: the inflected lexical (N; Adj; V, e.g. lach, take / took / nomm) or grammatical

(Kind, pron) words.

(4) dog dog + es dog + e dogs + n

Input suffixation, GEN suffixation, PL suffixation, DAT

House house + it house + he houses + n

Input suffixation, GEN umlaut, PL; Suffigierung, PL Suffigierung, DAT

Hammer hammer + s hammers hammers + n

Input suffixation, GEN umlaut, PL suffixation, DAT

take took took took + st

Input 1. Ablaut, PRÄT Umlaut, KONJ (PRÄT) Suffigierung, 2SG

Word formation: In the composition, the bases are mainly N and Adj (water sports, waterproof)

as well as occasional confixes (tütophil, Spielothek, Knastologie). As extensions

occur next to word stems (wooden boat, diving boat, speed boat) and confix stems (electric boat,

bibliophil) also phrases like NP, PP and VP (two-shift operation, submarine, mine clearance boat)

and finally sentences (Am-I-not-beautiful-eyes).

The bases used in derivation are mainly N (golden, gold), Adj (shortened, abbreviated), V

(feasible, smile), Adv (there) and Konfixes on (electric, electrified). There are also dephrasals

Derivatives (three lay (s) NP ig, songs make VP er).

Converts are based on v. a. on V (voucher), N (pepper) and, more rarely, Adj (short). Phrases can also

Being bases of converts (left winger, Gernegroß, Our Father), more rarely also sentences

(Springinsfeld, Hansguckindieluft, Menschärgeredichnicht).

The following overview shows the non-phrasal morphological constituents:

(5) Free lexically basic examples

Tribes: N + + + woman, child, man, day, minute

Adj + + + high, good, cold, warm, beautiful

V +/- + + Laugh! Eat: Eat (* Eat) the soup!

Konfix - + + thermal, games library, tutophil

unique morph - no conditions +/- forget, raspberry, chimney


PDDr. wolfgangSchindler. Proseminar "Morphology". page 5

free lexical basis examples

Derivative affix - - (?) - greenish, green, piggy

Inflection affix - - - house, green, laughs

Fuge (Interfix) - without conditions - gooseneck, roast pork

4 basic terms

4.1 MORPHEMA and ALLOMORPH

Morphemes are understood as abstract units of content, which in word forms (possibly)

varying segments whose allomorphs correspond to:

(6) Man-it-a-man (b) Man-a-woman-a dog-a car-s

{MAN}

{PLURAL}

The decisive factor is the synonymy of man and man or of -er, -en, -e, -s ('more than one x'),

so that the unequal shapes can be summarized. So a morpheme is a lot

synonymous morph, whose (possible) formal differences phonological (male = male +

Umlaut or hol-st vs. bet-est with Schwa epenthesis) or morphological / lexical (wind

N mask → wind-e; Child New → children; geb → gave, but heb → raised; engl. child → children, mouse

→ mice) can be explained.

There is not always a one-to-one relationship or SIMPLE EXPONENCE (the exponent of the

Morphems is a segment like Feld-er or a process like the umlaut in mothers). There are also

CUMULATIVE EXPONENCE as in klein-er, where in -er z. B. the categories NOM.SG.MASK (a small

Dog) or DAT.SG.FEM (with a short break) cumulate. DISTRIBUTIVE EXPONENCE exists if

a category is displayed more than once, see Männ-er (mann.PL-PL; suffixation, umlaut)

or in ge-fund-en (PART-find.PART-PART; circumfigation, 2nd ablaut).

Tasks:

1. Segment cattle, handsome, smokers, males, rhymers, taller, buckets and

2. The German plural tends to be morphologically conditioned. How is it with the Engl. {Plural}

and its allomorphs? Analyze [kæts] cats, [bægz] bags, [bʌsəz] buses!

Since a morpheme is traditionally understood to be a meaningful unit, it is forbidden

it is, with unique constituents (rasp + berry) and interfixes (newspaper + s-paper, theor (ie) + etic,

know + t-lich) to speak of morph (em) s. To assign a meaning to these forms

does not appear plausible. Therefore Wurzel (1984) suggests the following morpheme

Definition before: “A morpheme is the smallest sequence of segments, the (at least) one as

uniformly identifiable extra-phonological property is assigned. "2

Task: Which shape segments and morpheme types can you use in the following words

identify: wheat fields, legible, stork's nest, sentence machine, district library, faster,

2 root, wolfgang Ullrich (1984): Flexion morphology and naturalness. Berlin: Akademie Verlag, p. 38.


PDDr. wolfgangSchindler. Proseminar "Morphology". page 6

Father-in-law, extra sheet, raspberry, pianistic (e training), inflationary (e tendencies),

identical, (the / the constant) rain?

Once again to the basic concepts: We come to MORPHEN when we have a complex word form

like Rauch + er, Schnell + er or Kind + er segment, but the segmented forms

(Sounds, letters) with a meaning not yet assigned to a morpheme such as {PLURAL}

to have. Have we (children) recognized them as synonymous ('more than one N') with (woman) s or (car) s,

we are talking about the fact that these three (here: lexically, i.e. through the different PL-

Classes of nouns conditional) are allomorphs of the plural morpheme. A MORPHEMA is one

Set of classified, synonymous minimal characters, e.g. B. {PLURAL} = {,,,, ... 'more than one x'}. But aren't Saturday and Saturday synonymous at least denotatively?

Are they allomorphs from {SIXTH DAY OF THE WEEK}? Be here with Mel’cuk (2006: 392 ff.)

determines that a morpheme is a set of synonymous allomorphs, but that they are

be either tribes or affixes and that they cannot be used in the same environment for one another

should be (COMPLEMENTARY DISTRIBUTION). The closes allomorphism when tomorrow is Saturday / Saturday

(same distribution!). At il + legitimate / in + acceptable / im + material and

Because of the complementary distribution, ir + regularly has a phonologically determined allomorphism

before (regressive assimilation of the / (Ǻ) n / to the following consonants).

Problematic segmentation no longer falls under allomorphism, but under SUPPLETION

be-n: be-d, bi-n, bi-st, is-t, was-st, has-been. In formally different elements that

cannot be related to one another through umlaut, vowel accentuation or the like, the same meaning is found

('His') and these elements form a paradigm (origin: * wes-a, * es- (is), sīn). See.

also good, better (* good) by ahd.baz (extinct) - bezziro - bezzisto.

4.2 FREE / Bound and LEXICAL / GRAMMATICAL MORPHEMAS

Free morphemes have at least one allomorph, the one without change as syntactic

Word is usable. This means that all non-inflectable words (adv, prep etc.) are free. If N is at least

the NOM.SG syntactically without marking (when working without zero elements, i.e.

no wind-0-0, see wind-e-n, assumes), with Adj the positive form (the wine was good). With verbs

is a part of the IMP.SG at least in the tendency to be unmarked: Run faster! Finally drink

out! The situation is different with the bound morphemes Regn-e / * Regn finally, o cloud! (-

e for IMP.SG) or with Take / * Take more! (e / i change).

A GRAMMATICAL MORPHEMA belongs to a closed class of morphemes with grammatical,

thus (relatively) abstract meaning (free and grammatical: of the (kind) that, and; bound

are affixes like -em, -er, -lich). A LEXICAL MORPHEMA belongs to an open class with

lexical meaning (free: door, red, drink; bound: rain, in-law, electr-, -phil).

4.3 LEMMA, LEXEM, LEXICAL UNIT, STEM, ROOT, CITING FORM

In a POLYSEMen lexeme like fly, a linguistic form (a FORMATIVE) has two or

assigned several distinguishable meanings / SEMEME. A semem is a lot of SEMAN-

TISCHER CHARACTERISTICS, or SEME for short. Seme describe a word INTENSION, there are e.g. B. [specifically], [+

animated], [insect], [can fly] with respect to 'insect' and z. B. [- animated], [material: silk, cotton]


PDDr. wolfgangSchindler. Proseminar "Morphology". Page 7

regarding 'cross loop'. In the case of polysemics (fly or pear 'fruit', 'luminous body' or '(coll.) Head')

there is a SEMANTIC BRIDGE between the sememes (e.g. similarity in shape).

(7) Fly / flig '/ 1.' Insect '= lexical unit 1

2. 'Cross loop' = lexical unit 2 lexeme

Lemma formative semem (reading)

A lemma is the sign that is at the beginning of a lexicon entry in the dictionary and on

the word (form, meaning, combinatorics) refers. Inflectable words are LEMMATIZED

with their conventionalized

(8) FORMS OF QUOTATION: N: Nom.Sg .; Adj: positive; V: simple infinitive (-en, Inf. Pres. Active).

The citation form and the STEM of a word should not be confused. (Word) TRIBES are

the units that are left over after removing inflection, cf. (ge) laugh (-t), laugh (-t-est), laugh (-

st). In the case of a verb, the citation form is the inf., E.g. B. laugh, the root form: laugh, because {,

'Inf.'} Is a flexion morph (em); see also lach-e, lach / -t-est, salmon sack (= V-trunk + N-trunk).

An assignment of formative and semem (set of semantic features = semes such as

[animate] or [human]), which indicates the intention of an expression, becomes LEXICAL IN-

Called HEIT (or the LESART of a LEXEM). The Lexeme fly comprises several lexical units,

probably three, as the fly can also designate a beard type (→ Chaplin, Hitler).

The LEXEM is a basic unit of the lexicon, which is represented in texts by word forms

becomes: singen = sing, singst, sang, sangst, sänge, sängest, singen etc. With flexible words

it includes a lot of synonymous word forms, which can be differentiated by inflection categories

are; it includes its SYNTACTIC WORDS, which form the FLEXION PARADIGM. Syntactic

Words are e.g. B. sangst (2PS.SING.IND.PRÄT from singen) or house (GEN.SG from house).

4.4 SIMPLEX, MORPHOLOGICAL CONSTRUCTION, EDUCATIONAL PRODUCT

The SIMPLEX is not interested in morphology. Simplizia are elementary, i.e. H. monomorphematic

Lexical expressions like house, fish, red or laugh that are neither internally complex

(different e.g. house, house roof) can still be derived from another word (fish; against

fish V can be derived from fish N by transposition (MM) or conversion (MF)).

Task: To what extent is a morphological analysis synchronously possible for raspberries and blackberries;

Reeds, thickets; lose, forget; Ride, ford; History; Shot, throw; advertise?

MORPHOLOGICAL CONSTRUCTIONS consist of at least 2 elements, see house + es, house + door.

Cases like mothers < mutter="" sind="" keine="" konstruktionen,="" da="" sie="" nicht="" in="" 2="" trennbare="" segmente="" a="">

B can be divided (mother +?). A morphological process is taking place (MM:

Mutation, subtype: umlaut), but this cannot be applied to two CONSTITUENTS as in Frau + en

(A + B). - A WORD EDUCATION PRODUCT is the result of a word formation process, e.g. B.

a COMPOSITUM (MF) through composition (MM) (front door), a DERIVATIVE through affection

(Fischlein), a CONVERTAT through transposition (fish V) or a SHORTWORD through abbreviation (Uni).


PDDr. wolfgangSchindler. Proseminar "Morphology". page 8

5 Morphological components

5.1 Word roots and stems

ROOTS are the minimal units of lexical morphemes and can be freely (woman, red) or

be bound (in-law, electrical, ident). Roots can be partly direct, but partly only after

certain changes are morphologically processed:

(9) root composition stem derivative stem

Dog kennel doggy, puppy dog

Bishop Episcopal Conference

Garden garden pond (= root) little garden (* little garden)

China China trip (= root) Chinese (* Chinese)

Sinology (* Chinalogy)

In flexion, the stem is considered to be the element that remains after the flexion affixes have been separated,

for example preterital stems (took, found) and participle stems (taken, found) stronger

Verbs or adj stems as in more beautiful, most beautiful.

5.2 CONFIXES (Kf)

(10) electric car

Determinative compound (N) see Elektr -o auto

electrical

Electr-electr

Konfix composition stem electrified

Electrics

Electr -o car

Konfix fugue N

Confixes are linked lexical morphs and come from the classical languages ​​Latin

and ancient Greek; recently English has been added (-aholic in stressaholic 'stress addict',

Goethaholic ‚Goethe addict ', Polit-aholic; cyber in cyber university, cyber bullying, cyber

Sex). Examples: allround-, fanat-, ident-, neo-, rhythm-, tele-, techn (o) -, therm (o) -; -graph, -lekt, -

man (tüto-man), -naut, -phil, -phob, -skop, -thek.

Confixes can be with each other (thermometer, thermogenic, thermophilic), with native units

(tüto-phil 'bag-loving') and combined with suffixes (electric, electrifying, fanatical,

fanatical, thermal). Correspondingly, confixes come in compound words as determinants or

Determinatum (electric boat, toy library, thermal jacket, tütophil), whereby the determinants

Units are often subjected to a composition stem formation (especially with -o). In derivatives

Confixes function as bases (fanatical, fanaticism, fanatic; thermal). According to their positional

A distinction is made between properties: (a) PRE-CONFIXES (only left): astro, all-round (b) POST CONFIXES

(right only): -thek and (c) AMBIKONFIXE (left and right): therm- and -therm (thermostat, endotherm);

path-, -path (pathogen, pathology, psychopath, sociopath).

One difficulty is deciding whether or when to use a borrowed item as a confix

or is to be assessed as a word formation affix. If the element is the basis of a derivative (fanati-


PDDr. wolfgangSchindler. Proseminar "Morphology". Page 9

sier (en), thermal), there is a confix, since affixes are not derivable, see * ant (i) -ic,

* ant (i) -ify As the formal head and semantic core of a compound word, the Konfix defines both

the grammatical properties of the compound (-thek: Nfem, -phil: adj) as well as the

semantic class (-phil: 'property to love sth.', -thek: 'place / repository for

sth. ’). - Hilke Elsen pointed out in her book “Neologismen” (2004: 31 f.) That

Elements such as mini or neo in different representations sometimes counted as a confix, sometimes as an affix

would. - It is noticeable that Greek and Latin postconfixes begin with consonants, while

gr./lat. Ring foreign suffixes with vowels! So apostrophe + itis would consist of N + suffix,

apostropho + phil from N + Konfix. 3 But is that a rule?

Donalies (2005: 23) suggests that native bound lexical roots such as step-, in-law

and zimper- (zimperlich, zimperliese) as confixes, although the criterion 'one

Coming from a foreign language ’is not applicable. They are relics of the history of language, but not

unique morphemes such as raspberry, chimney, but limited combinable units.

5.3 AFFIXES

Inflection affixes are bound grammatical morphemes. With derivative affixes they go

Opinions differ: the majority count them among the grammatical morphs, some

consider at least some of the derivative affixes to be linked lexical morphs.

Derivative affixes, especially suffixes, can be obtained from composition terms by GRAMMATICALIZATION

arise, 4 cf. ahd. lih 'body, shape' (see nhd. corpse)> nhd. -lich as in regal 'in the

Kind of a king; belonging to the king ’.

In the case of derivative affixes, a distinction is often made between the suffixes, which are used as HEAD the grammar

of the derivative (part of speech, gender, plural type), and the category-neutral prefixes,

that do not represent heads. According to the RIGHTHAND HEAD RULE (RHR, KOPF-RCHTS-PRINCIPLE) is the

Head of the word formation construction in German on the right. This applies to the composition: wine barrel

is neuter with -er plural, Fasswein is masculine with -e plural, red wine is a Nmask

and no adj like wine red. And it applies to derivation suffixes: Röt-e (-e> Nfem), Männ-chen and

Dumm-chen (-chen> Nneut), legible (-bar> Adj) and blond-ier (-ier> V). With inhuman and ugly

does not determine the grammar of the derivative. On the other hand, with be-roof, er-red,

Core, decipher, gold the head to be on the left because of the TRANSPOSITION. Tried

Ways out to preserve the RHR: (i) One takes a “virtual” verb * dach (en) or

* core (s) so that the prefixation does not have a transposing effect. (ii) One uses a word formation type

called PREFIX CONVERSION, in which both conversion and prefixation to the

Use. Or one allows at least some (verbal) prefixes to have head properties

and the RHR predominantly, but not exclusively, applies in German.

3 suffixes are phonologically integrated into the word form (A.pos.tro.ph + i.tis), while confixes have their own phonological

Represent partial words (a.pos.tro.pho. + Phil). The o-fugue occurs only before -phil, but not before -itis.

4 With a grammaticalization, a free (syntactic) character is more and more subject to the grammar.

It loses its syntactic properties (I know that: he's coming> I know he's coming)

and is possibly more strongly integrated into a paradigm (The (VV) he doesn't need to know> The need (t) (MV) er

do not know; probably also: he did> he did-t-e). It often loses phonological substance (one>

a (n) and -t 'past tense' < tun)="" und="" bleicht="" semantisch="" aus="" (tat=""> -t, ahd. lich (preserved in corpse)> -lich).


PDDr. wolfgangSchindler. Proseminar "Morphology". Page 10

Excursus: AFFIXOID as a category between compositional element and word formation affix?

The status of word formation elements such as

(11) (X + N) Drcorner / emperor / crap / sow / shit / dream weather 'very bad / good weather'

(X + Adj) monkey-sharp, brunz-stupid, shitty-friendly, stick-conservative 'very Adj'

(N + X) Leaves / footwear 'quantity of leaves / shoes', sewing / toys (? Stuff to sew',

rather abstract collective semantics), school / transport system ('everything that is institutional / organizational

belongs to school ’, hardly *’ essence of school ’)

(Adj + X) low in exhaust / nicotine ('low in exhaust fumes' or 'containing little exhaust fumes'?); child friendly

'Friendly for children' or 'good for children' (?), Skin-friendly 'good for the skin' /

? 'Friendly to the skin' and easy to repair 'good / easy to repair' or bacteria-free 'free

of / without bacteria ", lead-free" without / free of lead "and crumple-free" does not crumple ".

discussed. The semantic reference to the freely occurring lexeme is more (dream and -

friendly) or less (shit, floor, work) clearly. The question is whether you can get these formations

(i) for composition (with semantically bleached composition elements), (ii) for derivation

(because the units do not occur freely in the more abstract meaning, see HÖL.len.feu.er

'Fire in Hell' versus Hell.len.FEU.he 'very big / wild fire' or Hell 'tempo?' Tempo

like in hell ’, very high speed’) or (iii) to an own type of education AFFIXOIDBIL-

DUNG should count. The grading type pork cold / pork hot is more often than not its own

Word formation type STEIGERUNGSBILDUNG led (e.g. Pittner 1991). Or have compositional elements here

developed into affixes?

The N-suffix -heit can be traced back to the German noun * haidu 'way, appearance'.

Even ahd. There was a fem. Meaning 'person, status, rank, essence, manner', which was still called

Composition member functioned, but then gradually developed into a derivation suffix, cf.

nhd. beauty < ahd.="" sconi="" heit="" ‚schönes="" wesen’.="" –="" auch="" -bar="" war="" früher="" frei="" (ahd.="" verb="" beran="">

and has an etymological connection with give birth, birth and grave. About the ahd.

Adj bari 'carrying' (ahd. Compound dancbari 'thanks carrying') led to a GRAMMATICALIZATION for

today's suffix -bar (understandable in Nübling 2006: 3.2.1.2).

With AFFIXOID or PRÄFIXOID / SUFFIXOID we have terms that describe certain

Speech changes are useful. Whether they are purely synchronous permanently as categorical terms

Establish word - affixoid - affix in a series and let it be clearly defined, remains to be seen.

5.4 Unique morph

These bound morphs occur in exactly one word form. They are lexical / grammatical in terms of

cannot be classified because they have no meaning, which is why the traditional one

Morpheme term ("smallest meaningful unit") does not apply to them:

(12) Thorn berry 'Berry with thorn (s)'

Blue berry 'blue berry'

Black berry * 'berry with bromine' ahd. Bram (a) + (beri) 'thorn bush (berry)'

Raspberry ??? ahd. hint (beri) 'Hirschkuh [= hind] (berry)'

Further examples are Schorn + stein (ahd. Scorren 'upright'), Tausend + sassa,

klamm + heimlich (probably jokingly from Latin clam, 'secretly'), efficient + ig (formerly to be good, so


PDDr. wolfgangSchindler. Proseminar "Morphology". Page 11

'Suitable'), un + wirsch, (< mhd.="" unwirdisch,="" dies="" zu="" ‚würde’),="" ge+ling+en="" (ling="" evtl.="" zu="" mhd.="">

'To move forward'), forget + en (to germ. * -Get-a st.V. 'to get', see English to get).

5.5 Joint elements or interfixes 5

Interfixes or joint elements are bound units between two compositional stems

or between the derivative base and the suffix. Carrying a meaning

they do not, which is why the traditional morpheme term does not apply here and one can at best from FU

GENMORPHEN can speak. Examples:

(13) Composition joints: Bishop + s + conference 'Conference of several bishops', goose + e + roast

'Roast from a whole', love + s + roman, beef + s + roast, beef + he + roast;

Woman + en + voice, sun + n + light, stork + en + nest (des stork + en / stork + en, der sunne + n

and the vrouwe + n are old word forms for GEN.SG); Lieg + e + stuhl 'chair on which you can

can lie ’; Food + s + brand; Electric + o + motor

(14) Derivative joints: africa + n + isch, america + n + he (but: paints (a) + es + he), stupid + he + wise,

Morocco (o) + an + er / isch, reg (e) n + er + isch, theor + et + isch, wine + er + lich

Some limit "fugue" to the compositional fugue and speak in derivatives like theor (ie) -et-isch

from INTERFIXEN. - Some only use JOINT if it is UNPARADIC-

MATISCHE FUGEN acts (e.g. in the case of a wedding-s-photo, differently: PARADIGMATISCHE FUGE salary-s-increase

'Increase in salary').

(15) Roast pork Nmask pragmatic adj

Comp trunk

Derivative strain

Pig Nneut e Fugue Roast Nmask pragma Konfix t Fugue -isch Adj-Suf

6 Portmanteau morph (em)

So was is a single morph, but realizes not only the lexeme BE (which contains a single morpheme {be}), but also

the morphemes {singular} and {past tense}. A morph which realizes more than one morpheme in this way is

called a portmanteau morph. (Bauer 1988: 17)

(16) was (plural: were) and a s k + e d

{BE} + {PAST TENSE} + {SING}

{ASK} + {PAST TENSE}

Compare with regard to the 3: 1 (Portmanteaumorph) or 1: 1 relationship. So is

also was < {sein}="" +="" {präteritum}="" ein="" portmanteaumorph,="" ein="" formal="" nicht="" (eindeutig)="">

Expression containing the contents of two or more morphemes. Same goes for strong ones

Verb forms such as gave, in which one distinguishes between two meanings 'geb' and 'preterite'

can, but not two separate forms: * gb + * a (cf. took and * nhm + * a).

5 INTERFIX serves as a generic term for COMPOSITION JOINTS (Bishop-s + conference 'Conference of Bishops') and DERI-

VATIONS "FUGEN" (Chin (a) -es + in 'inhabitant of China'). In-depth tip: Eisenberg 2 2004: 6.2.2.

Interfix can easily be confused with Infix! Let's stick to the language typology: You add an INTERFIX

between two morphs. An INFIX is inserted into a morph, i.e. it splits a morph into two parts, cf.

Tagalog, Philippines: sulat 'write (en)', s-um-ulat 'wrote', s-in-ulat 'was written'.


PDDr. wolfgangSchindler. Proseminar "Morphology". page 12

A Portmanteau phenomenon is the clitization of kind an prep, an enclise as in ← in +

he comes with his car; for the indefinite article cf.< in="" eine)="" schachtel.="" 6="" die="">

are integrated / familiar in different ways, which can be seen in the writing

(underm / * under’m; with’m / * withm / * mim). Nübling (2005) speaks of a “grammatical construction site”.

Ruhr German shows what clitization can lead to: a prepositional

Flexibility of definiteness, see there aufer, aufe, inn, inne etc. through clitization (under, under)

a phonetic word emerges, at some point perhaps an inflected form, but it emerges

no lexical word (no word formation).

7 morphological operations or means (MM)

Let us clarify the difference between the morphological mean and the function:

(17) morphological mean morphological function

ge + tanz V + t Circumfiguration Flexion: PART II

ge + streif N + t Circumfiguration Word formation: Derivation

(I) dance + e suffixing flexion: 1SG

(die) Glotz + e Suffigierung Word formation: Derivation

A distinction must be made whether a morphological operation is used to flexion or

To pursue word formation, or whether it is a concomitant phenomenon. An umlaut can do this alone

Be morphologically effective (MM in mother → mothers = mutter.PL) or just a side effect

be like the MM Affigierung in Maus → Mäus + e or Gärt + lein.

I. Segmental means

1. Segment combination

1.1. Additive segment combination

1.1.1. Root addition or root concatenation = COMPOSITION 2

(18) colored (Adj) + paper → colored paper 'colored paper'

times (V) + paper → painting paper 'paper to paint on'

Drucker (N) + paper → DrSugar paper, paper for one Drucker ‘

Therm-o + pants → Thermal pants 'Pants that retain heat'

Bischof-s + Mütze → Bischofsmütze 'Bishop's hat'

Root / Compo- + Root → Composition (Composition 1 = WB-Typ, MF)

sition trunk

6 Proklise: phonological forward-leaning (because it’s late! In Mhd., The negation particle

Observe enclise and proclise: ern mohte still ensolde 'he could not, nor was he allowed'. - Interested

can study the following article on the subject of article clitization: Nübling, Damaris (2005): Von in die über

in and in to in. The clitization of prepositions and articles as a "grammaticalization construction site". In:

Leuschner, Torsten / Mortelmans, Tanja / De Groodt, Sarah (eds.), Grammaticalization in German. Berlin;

New York: de Gruyter, 105 ff.


PDDr. wolfgangSchindler. Proseminar "Morphology". Page 13

Do not confuse the mean with the word formation type (MF) Composition 1! The Means is

the formal operation carried out to produce the word formation product. -

In German, the determining element is usually on the left, i.e. H. German compounds are

right-headed (cf. sleeper / bed carriage and French wagon-lit, it. vagone-letto 'carriage-bed'; span.

hombre-rana 'man-frog' = frogman).

1.1.2. Adding an affix = AFFIGIERUNG

1.1.1.1. Base morpheme (BM) not interrupted = PREFIGATION, SUFFIGATION; CIRCULATION

(i) Un + man, un + beautiful, he + draw (prefix + BM). (ii) Beauty + ness, human + like, educable + accessible, smile + el

(BM + suffix). (iii) Ge + hup + e, be + bauch + t, be + beautiful + ig (ZKF + BM + ZKF). Serves in German

Affigating as MM for inflection (laughed, verb PARTII) and derivation (witty, 'with wit').

1.1.1.2. BM interrupted

- continuous: INFIGATION

INFIGATION is (mostly) not accepted in German. Infixes are according to phonological

Criteria in bases, which are thereby "split", inserted:

(19) Bontoc (Philippines) Tagalog (Philippines)

fikas ‚strong '→ f + um + ikas‚ become strong'

kilad 'red ‘→ k + um + ilad' become red '

sulat 'write' → s + um + ulat 'wrote'

→ s + in + ulat ‘was written’

Here the initial consonant of the syllable is used (phonological condition). Joints like

in love-s-lied there are no infixes, but INTERFIXES.

- discontinuous: TRANSFIGATION

TRANSFIGATION does not exist in German. Both the transfix and the affiliation base

are discontinuous, see the root-flexing Egypt. Arabic: k.t.b 'write', d.r.s 'study'

and the past tense forming {a.a} → katab 'he wrote', daras 'he studied'.

1.1.2. Base (partial) copy added = REDUPLICATION

Here, the word formation base is partially or completely copied:

- partial reduplication in the motu (Papua New Guinea) tau 'man' → ta-tau 'men' (tau: base / B,

ta: reduplicate / R), mero 'boy' → me-mero 'boy' (pre-duplication)

- Total reduplication in Afrikaans: dik 'thick' → dik-dik 'very thick' or Die leeu loop brul-brul

away 'The lion runs away roaring repeatedly'.

(20) Inflection word formation

Singular plural object 'carry object'

rumah 'house' rumah + rumah kagir 'belt' kagir + gir 'wear belt'

orang 'person' orang + orang takin 'sock' takin + kin 'wear socks'

[Malay]

[Marshallese, Malayo-Polynesian language]

Reduplication as in mix → mix (B) + mix (R) + i → a → mishmash (possibly lies

here a composition of the verbs mix and ma (n) schischen) is in German


PDDr. wolfgangSchindler. Proseminar "Morphology". Page 14

rare and controversial about their status. Gerrit Kentner recently returned to this topic

picked up and considered examples such as superduper, nigelnagel (new), picke (R) packe (B)

(full), see Gerrit Kentner, http://www.home.uni-osnabrueck.de/tmeisenb/Kentner_PundP7.pdf.

1.2. Segment combination with amalgamation = CONTAMINATION or WORD CROSSING

While pure composition is only concatenated (compound e.g. tomato potato), "melt"

here the units (contamination e.g. Tomoffel), so that it mostly leads to reduction processes

comes (tomato potato, Hairherrgott), in any case to overlaps (yes and no) or inclusions

(alternatief). Inclusion crossings such as SchreIBMaschine are not shortened.

2. Segment substitution

2.1. Substitution of phonological segments = MUTATION

ABLAUT: It occurs in German in the inflection of strong verbs: take, took, take. In word formation

it occurs in a stem-forming manner, i.e. not as the actual MM of derivation or conversion in educational products

in which strong verbs are involved: decrease → decrease + e (* decrease,

MM: suffixation, see descent + e), give → gab + e (* give), bind → band → band, bund →

Fret (MM: transposition); Litter (mhd. V-Stamm PRÄT.PL) etc.

UMLAUT: Historically, it is often an assimilation of the stem vowel to i / j (/ u) in the following syllable as in

ahd.lamb → * lambir → lembir, see Lamm, Lämm-er. Phonologically there is a palatalization

back vowels in front, d. H. one replaces a back vowel with the closest non-back one,

by moving the tongue forward as with / u: /> / y: / (chicken> chicken + chen) (and

z. B. with / ɑə /> / ǫə / as in father → fathers at the same time up). The umlaut from [aÉu] to [oÉǺ]

(House → little house) is more complex. - The umlaut comes both in the inflection (Väter = vater.PL})

as well as in word formation, there, however, v. a. as a side effect of the MM

Suffixation (father + chen, father + lich, / fǫ: tər / is a derivative stem).

2.2. Substitution of morphological segments = SUPPLETION

Because of its non-systematic nature, suppletion is often excluded from the MM! In the

Suppletion becomes one stem in one flexion paradigm entirely through another

Stem replaced. Supplementary forms are found in high-frequency lemmas. Examples: am - is -

are - was - (ge) wes (en); good, better, the best; lat. ferro ('to carry') - tuli - latum.

3. Segment repayment = REDUCTION, SUBTRACTION

It plays in the abbreviation (Prof, Uni; Kripo) and the regression (interacting V), here in connection

with transposition, a role.

In Luxembourgish and Upper Hesse, the plural can be used for words that refer to certain consonant clusters

end, can be derived by subtraction:

(21) / frənt / → / frən / 'friends'

/ hǤnt / → / hǤn / 'dogs'


PDDr. wolfgangSchindler. Proseminar "Morphology". Page 15

The masculine form of the French adjective is created by subtracting the final consonant.